Asad Islam

Professor of Economics, Monash Business School, Monash University, Australia

Part 2: What the Pilot Suggests — Targeting in Practice: Who Would Qualify, and How?

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If Part 1 asked whether the Family Card is universal or targeted, Part 2 asks a harder question:

If it is targeted — even partially — how would eligibility actually be determined?

In public debate, targeting sounds simple: “Give it to the poor.” In practice, identifying who is poor in a lower-middle-income country like Bangladesh, with a large informal sector, is one of the most complex tasks in public policy — and often the point where well-intentioned programs falter.

Bangladesh is not an economy where most households file verifiable income tax returns. Earnings come from daily wage labor, small trade, agriculture, remittances, and micro-enterprises. Income fluctuates by season and by shock. A household that appears stable today may struggle tomorrow.

Poverty is dynamic. Any targeting system must be dynamic too. So the real question is not whether targeting is desirable. The real question is: what tools are available — and how accurate can they realistically be at national scale?

Why This Matters for Bangladesh

Bangladesh has made remarkable progress in reducing extreme poverty. Yet vulnerability remains widespread. Millions of households live just above the poverty line and can fall back due to illness, job loss, climate shocks, or remittance disruption.

A targeted Family Card would need to identify not only the currently poor, but also those at risk of becoming poor. That is far harder than drawing a line using yesterday’s data.

Targeting accuracy will shape both cost and credibility. If too many poor households are excluded, the program fails its purpose. If too many non-poor households are included, resources are diluted and public trust erodes.

How Targeting Usually Works

No country relies on a single method. Most systems combine approaches, each with strengths and limits.

One common method is proxy means testing (PMT). Instead of verifying income directly — often impossible in informal economies — PMT uses observable characteristics such as housing quality, asset ownership, education, and family composition to estimate the likelihood that a household is poor.

Bangladesh’s National ID system and household databases could, in principle, support such a model.

PMT can be applied nationally using standardized criteria and reduces reliance on local discretion. But it is imperfect. Assets do not always reflect vulnerability. A household may own a modest home yet face heavy medical costs. A migrant family may appear stable in survey data while living with volatile income. And unless models are regularly updated, they quickly lose accuracy.

All PMT systems produce two types of error: some poor households are left out, and some non-poor households are included. Perfect precision is unattainable. What matters is whether errors are transparent, correctable, and kept within acceptable bounds.

Geographic targeting is another approach — prioritizing districts or upazilas with higher poverty rates. It allows faster rollout but can create inequities. A poor household in a relatively prosperous district may receive nothing, while a better-off household in a poorer district qualifies automatically. Poverty does not follow administrative boundaries, and poverty maps can quickly become outdated.

Community-based selection adds local knowledge. Local representatives often know which families are struggling due to illness or recent shocks. But discretion introduces risks — favoritism, capture, inconsistent standards. Digitizing such lists does not eliminate bias if the underlying process is flawed.

For this reason, effective systems layer methods: statistical screening to generate an initial list, local validation to correct omissions, and grievance mechanisms to address mistakes. Targeting is not a formula. It is an institutional system.

What the Pilot Reveals

The announced pilot spans selected upazilas across multiple divisions, covering areas described as high-poverty, climate-vulnerable, urban, and remote. That selection already reflects geographic prioritisation.

However, within those pilot areas, the transfer is not being extended to all households. Instead, beneficiaries are to be selected from among households identified as poor or vulnerable. The specific eligibility criteria have not yet been detailed publicly.

This structure indicates that the pilot is testing a layered model: first selecting areas, then identifying eligible households within those areas. It is therefore examining identification mechanisms as much as delivery logistics.

That distinction is important. A pilot designed to test a universal entitlement would typically provide the benefit to all households within selected locations, focusing mainly on payment systems and administrative coordination. A pilot that screens households is, by design, testing targeting systems.

This does not imply that targeting is inappropriate. Many successful social transfer programs began with narrower coverage and expanded gradually as administrative systems strengthened.

What matters is clarity. If the long-term intention is universal coverage, the transition path should be explained. If the long-term model is targeted, then eligibility rules and updating mechanisms must be clearly articulated.

Ambiguity about what the pilot represents — a test of logistics or a test of targeting — risks creating confusion about the program’s eventual design.

Capacity Matters More Than Formulas

Designing targeting rules is easier than implementing them across millions of households.

Administrative capacity requires updated data, functioning appeals systems, verification audits, coordination across agencies, and the ability to detect manipulation. Bangladesh has important strengths — high national ID coverage and widespread mobile financial services — that provide a solid foundation.

But constraints remain. Digital literacy gaps, connectivity challenges, delays in updating data, and limited grievance redress capacity all affect how targeting works in practice.

A credible targeted program requires more than an algorithm. It requires a transparent correction system. If households perceive the process as opaque or arbitrary, trust erodes quickly — and restoring trust is far harder than building it.

Poverty Moves. Lists Must Move Too.

Poverty is not static. Households fall into hardship due to illness, job loss, climate shocks, remittance declines, or business failure. Others move out of poverty through new opportunities. A static beneficiary list quickly becomes outdated.

Here lies a structural difference between universal and targeted models. A universal program automatically covers households when shocks occur. A targeted program must continually update eligibility to remain fair. The more dynamic the economy, the heavier the administrative burden.

There is no perfect solution — only trade-offs between precision, cost, and timeliness.

Technology Helps — But It Is Not the Solution

Digital transfers reduce leakage and increase traceability. Direct transfers to mobile wallets such as bKash or Nagad, or to bank accounts, are a major improvement over cash distribution.

But technology does not eliminate governance challenges. Incorrect data, identity mismatches, account control within households, and overwhelmed grievance systems can still undermine trust. If the beneficiary list is wrong, a flawless payment system simply pays the wrong person efficiently.

Digital infrastructure strengthens targeting. Institutional integrity sustains it.

The Core Trade-Off

Targeting promises precision. Universality promises simplicity.

Precision requires strong institutions, regular data updates, and political discipline. Simplicity requires fiscal space.

The choice is not ideological. It is institutional.

If the Family Card is targeted or hybrid, its long-term success will depend less on the Tk 2,500 amount and more on the credibility of the identification system.

Cash matters. But institutional trust matters more.

In Part 3, we move from identification to scale — examining what different coverage paths would mean for Bangladesh’s overall budget and the trade-offs they imply for health, education, infrastructure, and climate resilience.